Hwang Kyo-ahn's Hunger Strike

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Liberty Korea Party leader, Hwang Kyo-ahn on a hunger strike.

Just over a month ago, in a commentary titled Political Turmoil in South Korea, I asked, "...So what will the wily LKP leaders come up with for their next move? More mass street demonstrations? Attempts by demonstrators to enter the Blue House? Violent Black Bloc type tactics seen in Hong Kong presaged in the October 3 Gwangwhamun demonstration? Anything could happen." Well now we have it. Right wing Liberty Party Korea leader, Hwang Kyo-ahn, has gone on a "hunger strike," the South Korean news media reported yesterday. This is a further variation on Hwang's holier than thou pose as an ascetic when he shaved his head as a protest against the suspected corruption of then Justice Minister Cho Kuk. That particular cause, after Cho's resignation, seems to have exhausted itself in light of the accusations against LKP floor leader in the Assembly, Na Kyung-won. Now, Hwang says he's "determined to die" as part of his sit-in hunger strike. His hunger strike started at 2:00 pm local time in Seoul according to JTBC.

The backdrop is the change in political tides against Hwang and his colleague, LKP floor leader Na Kyung-won. The latter has been accused in the press with corruption in connection with her daughter's college admission. This corruption is hypocritically tied to her self described sense of "public service" on behalf of the Special Olympics. Suffice it to say, her alleged corruption seems remarkably similar to that imputed to Cho Kuk, against whom she and Hwang campaigned making appearances in the streets in Gwangwhamun Plaza with hundreds of thousands to express their moral indignation until Cho's resignation. Now, Na plans to leave the country for a break from the focus on her corruption to address GSOMIA and SOFA disputes with members of the US Congress. Her appearance at the international airport on the way out of the country today presented an awkward sight to say the least. But it's better than staying in South Korea for the time being while two criminal inquiries are pending against her. This also gives Na the opportunity to dissociate herself from Hwang's hunger strike, while giving Na the appearance of actually being engaged somehow in a real political process rather than the obstructionism which is her forte in the Assembly as the LKP opposition leader. One has to wonder what her real intentions are. It almost gives the impression of leaving a house on fire.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Reo Yeong-kuk, Justice Party, "While there is much talk inside and outside that the LKP must reform, the answer will not be a hunger strike; rather than cutting off food, he should cut off politics."

But back to Hwang's hunger strike. Hwang, The LKP leader and former prime minister under Park Geun-hye is resorting to the old tradition in the Chosun court to make an individual petition to the throne by placing oneself at risk in front of the palace royal hall. This involved the petitioner being subjected to the hardships of nature and the elements until one is either heard by the King and receives an appropriate response or literally dies in the process. Anyone who watches South Korean historical dramas is familiar with these scenes. However, what is curious is why a political party leader finds it necessary to do this when South Korea today is a democracy? Such actions are typically a manifestation of powerlessness and desperation. Yes, there is the dramatic patina of virtue which goes with such scenes where the historical actor risks their life for a principle. It is apparent that Hwang's demonstration is also drama for television, like shaving his head was several weeks ago. Apart from the dramatic pictures, it is certain that Hwang will be making trips to the rest room, and drinking water.

The public venues Hwang has chosen to to make his demonstration are subject to other pre-scheduled events which conflict with his plans. So he had to move from the venue in front of the Blue House to a position on the National Assembly grounds which again had an event conflicting with Hwang's demonstration necessitating another move. When the temperature dropped at night Hwang was seen donning his duck down winter outer clothing and a blanket, taking a departure from the historical practice. It was noted by newscasters that he used a cushion to sit on the hard ground surfaces. So Hwang is not so much placing himself under maximum deprivation or risking his health in an immediate sense as in the customary practice but grandstanding for the cameras. The act isn't going over well. One cannot overestimate the desperate situation the LKP leader finds himself in politically to undertake such posturing. JTBC news commentators and seasoned politicians referred to it as a crisis in leadership. It appears that Hwang may have coordinated this event with the evangelical leader Jeon Gwang- hoon, executive director of the United Christian Conference, who played a key role in the Gwanghwamun demonstrations where he called for the impeachment of Moon Jae-In, "effective immediately." Jeon has been criticized as a demagogue and right wing extremist.

Hwang said he's demonstrating against the harm the Moon Jae-in government has done to South Korea, and against the further harm it appears is on the way. Specifically he's referring to fast track legislation to which four other parties have agreed to circumvent LKP stonewalling on legislation during the 20th Session of the National Assembly. In his statement of grievances Hwang addressed the prosecution reform particularly the provision for a specific office for investigation of crimes by public officials. Hwang asserted this was a means for Moon Jae In to punish those who oppose him. Secondly, the fast track proposal increasing the number of proportional seats and reducing district representation seats, if approved on the Assembly floor is virtually certain to adversely affect the number of LKP representatives. This proposal according to Hwang was Moon Jae In's design to "serve himself." Yet this will benefit the under represented smaller parties in the National Assembly who support the reform. This is the real crisis for the LKP. Democracy in the form of proportional representation is rearing its ugly head. The far right conservatives in Hwang's party lose even more political power adding insult to injury after their collapse in the last election cycle. Hwang has adopted the GSOMIA issue as well. He's making the US argument on behalf of intelligence sharing with Japan. It's unlikely this will earn many political points in light the humiliating treatment South Korea has received from Abe's Japan over the past few months, and the continuing "shameful," browbeating the South Korean people have witnessed from US officials in the last few weeks.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Hong Joon-pyo, "What sort of hunger strike? Will a hunger strike solve a problem? Before that there is the problem that must be solved politically."

It's not suprising that criticism of Hwang's hunger strike is coming from all quarters including his own party which is showing some signs of fracturing under the pressure. Obviously there would be criticism from the incumbent party in power, the Democratic Party which regards Hwang's hunger strike as a nuisance born of anxiety on his part. The Justice Party representative suggested that rather than quitting food Hwang should quit politics. Hong Joon-pyo the former leader of the LKP, with an eye to his successor in interest's faltering position, suggested that Hwang as a the party leader should be engaged in a political solution rather than a hunger strike. He also stated that Hwang's hunger strike wouldn't budge Moon Jae-in one bit. Hong made very critical statements about the matter on line. Another member of the LKP cited Hwang's action as more evidence of a leadership crisis in the LKP which requires the establishment of a new conservative party. A spokesperson for the Barun Mirae Dang the center right party, in favor of fast track legislation, was similarly critical of Hwang's leadership.

Train of US diplomatic blunderers in South Korea compared to Alice Roosevelt

(JTBC News- 11.19) Alice Roosevelt riding a stone horse statue at the Memorial for Empress Myeongsong, acting as if she were "riding a carousel at an amusement park." The picture is from the Cornell University Library collection.

Alice cavorted around Seoul being treated like an American princess after Teddy Roosevelt had already sold out Korean sovereignty to the Japanese at the Treaty of Portsmouth September 5, 1905. The great powers bargained away Korea's sovereignty to Japan to serve their own imperial interests. Russia actually was the only power to resist the Japanese, but that was because they had wanted to make Korea a Russian domain. The Russians lost the Russo-Japanese War and had to sign the Portsmouth Treaty arranged by President Roosevelt, in which Japan's dominance in Korea was acknowledged. Later in September 1905, King Gojong still thought the US might be of help to avoid the Japanese takeover of Korea when President Roosevelt's daughter, Alice Roosevelt, visited Korea. Other high ranking US diplomats who had been traveling with Alice through other Asian capitals didn't bother to come. Korea's fate was already cast.

Alice attended a formal dinner presented in her honor by the "Emperor," and rode in his palanquin through the streets of Seoul. Her memorable faux pas was to jump on the back of a stone horse statue at the memorial mound of Empress Myeongseong who in 1895 had been assassinated by the Japanese. At least Alice had an excuse. She was immature, so the editorial goes. Alice wrote that Emperor Gojong of Korea, small in stature, cut a piteous insensitive figure. Here we are more than a hundred years later.

What is the excuse of the US Ambassador to Seoul Harry Harris, who is among those who have been jawboning Korean officials for weeks? Secretary Esper? Mr. DeHart? It isn't the 1950s or the end of the Russo-Japanese War during the heyday of imperialism. South Korea is no longer run by the conservative heirs of pro-Japanese dictators and their cronies. Allison Hooker and other "experts" are giving team Trump in Asia very bad advice. South Korea isn't going to "get over" it's dispute with Japan in the manner they have in mind. Nor will it cave to US extortion. And that is what it is being called in Korea, extortion. The behavior of US officials is described as "shameful."

(Source- JTBC News 11.18) South Koreans demonstrate against US military cost sharing demands outside US embassy. Signs say, is this an alliance or highway robbery? Chyron reads "Opposition to US extortion of taxpayer money. Opposition to US humiliating negotiations."

Esper, Harris, DeHart, General Milley, General Abrams, and others are making absurd demands with no basis in existing agreements. Ambassador Harris has been buttonholing members of the Korean National Assembly, particularly the opposition members making the absurd demand for five times the current South Korean cost sharing contribution to US defense costs in Korea. Also, they are pressuring South Korea to cave in to US demands to participate in, what is in effect, a new defense alliance with Japan and other US allies throughout the Indo-Pacific. The US is blatantly taking up for Japan in the continuing political and economic dispute between the two countries. It's pretty clear that without some concessions by the imperial minded Abe, the GSOMIA agreement for sharing military information will lapse on the 23rd as scheduled. The Chair of the Intelligence Committee in the National Assembly, Lee Hye-hoon, referred to Ambassador Harris' repeated demands as rude and unreasonable. The US cost sharing demand has been dead on arrival for weeks. US diplomats and generals must be stone deaf.

The South Korean government has no intention of allowing the US or Japan to dictate their foreign policy. The South Koreans have repeatedly confirmed their commitment to the alliance with the United States but they are not capitulating to absurd or unreasonable demands.

Ruins of Hwangseong

(황성의 적〉(荒城의 跡), 또는 〈황성옛터〉Hwangseong Ruins

현재 가사

황성옛터에 밤이 되니 월색만 고요해 At Hwangseong ruins, as night turns, only the silence of moonlight

폐허에 서린 회포를 말하여 주노나 The limned ruins unburdened tell me

아 외로운 저 나그네 홀로 잠 못 이뤄 Ah, solitary traveler, here one cannot sleep.

구슬픈 벌레 소리에 말없이 눈물져요 At the mournful insect sounds, tears well without a word

성은 허물어져 빈터인데 방초만 푸르러 The walls demolished an empty place, only the fragrant green grass

세상의 허무한 것을 말하여 주노나 The world is a futile thing, it tells

아 가엾다 이 내 몸은 그 무엇 찾으려 Ah, pitiful, my heart what does it seek

덧없는 꿈의 거리를 헤매고 있노라 In a fleeting dream, wandering the streets


나는 가리라 끝이 없이 이 발길 닿는 곳 I'm taken without end by my steps to the place

산을 넘고 물을 건너 정처가 없이도 Over mountains and across streams without stopping

아 한없는 이 심사를 가슴속 깊이 품고 Ah, without bounds, this thought i embrace deep within my chest

이 몸은 흘러서 가노니 옛터야 잘 있거라 As I travel onward, old ruins fare-thee-well!

This song was written in 1928. Hwangseong, literally means emperor's castle. The lyrics were inspired by ruins of Manwoltae in Kaseong, Korea. The lyricist Hwang Peong was part of a traveling theatrical group. The melody was composed by Jeon Su Rin. Lee Ae-ri was the singer. The popular hit was among those first recorded in Korean to be played on gramophone. It's said that 50,000 records were produced beginning in 1932. The song was banned by the Japanese and suppressed because it was believed to express resistance to Japanese colonial rule. If anything the repressed song became more popular. The song appeared in many guises over the years as it was performed by multiple artists. The elegy was felt to express the heated spirit in the hearts of the Korean people. There are two versions of the lyrics, modern (above) which I have attempted to interpret here, and the contemporary version at the Korean wikipedia source below.

https://ko.wikipedia.org/wiki/%ED%99%A9%EC%84%B1%EC%98%9B%ED%84%B0

[강릉선교장] 황성옛터 - 이정표(Jungpyo Lee)
Here is a link to Jungpyo Lee's beautiful rendition of Hwangseong Ruins:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qvUkRa6_Zbo

Trump's Diplomatic Approach to South Korean Alliance: Trash and Crash

Whether it's the ridiculous demand for five billion dollars in military cost sharing put forward by the US in the Special Measures Agreement negotiations currently pending between representatives of the US and South Korea, or whether it is the continuing US pressure to renew the General Sharing of Military Information Agreement before it expires November 23, the US appears to be following a policy undermining the legitimacy of South Korean rule as a sovereign democratic state.

As pointed out in the the Hankyoreh, there is no international agreement supporting the unreasonable and unprecedented US demand for an increase of South Korean military cost burden sharing from approximately one billion to five billion dollars a year. The US team attempting to ram this down South Korea's throat has absolutely no understanding of South Korean history nor its domestic political situation. Ostensibly, the negotiating team leader James Dehart was sent, without notice, to South Korea last week to gain some understanding of the situation and South Korean perspective on this matter. Conservatives in the National Assembly are no more receptive to financially overbearing demands than the democratic administration of President Moon Jae-in. It simply defies belief how tone deaf the US "diplomacy" really is. They have been told by the South Korean Foreign Minister that the US demand is outside the scope of the Status of Forces Agreement and will be rejected by the National Assembly. Even if it were even remotely plausible that any credible group of South Korean politicians would accept such demeaning demands, which there isn't, the Democratic Party leaders in the Assembly could simply table any proposed ratification at the committee level so that it never sees the light of day. So it appears the US team has zero comprehension of the democratic political processes in South Korea. They also miscalculate their influence in contemporary South Korea by attempting to browbeat the South Korean side.

A similar unsavory prospect is presented by the US demands that the South Korean government renew the GSOMIA agreement without a satisfactory quid pro quo from the Abe administration in Japan. While pretending to take an impartial role based upon regional security concerns, a failure by the US to play an intermediary role between Japan and South Korea in their current diplomatic dispute is little more than taking up the Japanese cause of trade war in defense of historical revisionism to the detriment of regional security.

(Source- JTBC News, 10.3) The Taegukki People's Revolution Movement, a reactionary far right organization, appeared to be present at the demonstration in force, carrying US flags as well as Korean flags. Their banner (above) featured the former ruthless dictators Syngman Rhee and Park Chung Hee. It's clear where they're coming from.

The upcoming defense cost sharing negotiations with Japan and Germany are an ultimate objective as the US team Trump tries to break down South Korean resistance to unreasonable demands from it's so called ally to bolster it's own military budget which is out of control as a result of poor budget planning in all dimensions. The target seems to be making an example of the relatively weaker South Korea as one of the most vulnerable allies. Ironically, South Korea spends more of its GDP on military expenditures for its own defense than any other US NATO ally. It recently expended 10 billion dollars accommodating the US base transition plan to Camp Humphreys in Pyongtaek, the largest US military base outside the US. It also purchases billions in US military equipment. Nevertheless, the unreasonable US demands threaten the integrity of the political process in South Korea both in the Assembly and in upcoming elections for Assembly seats in April. No assemblyman nor party in South Korea can put themselves in the position of capitulating to such unreasonable demands from an outside power, ally or not.

Massive far right demonstrations took place in the street in Gwanghwamun for the past few weeks by fascist supporters of prior dictators who historically acted as puppets of the US and pro-Japanese elements in the power structure. This weekend religious fundamentalists and former military officers dressed in Erwin Rommel chic addressed a crowd bearing hundreds, if not thousands of US flags. This won't change the political calculations in the National Assembly or the Blue House. Anyone seen capitulating to the US and Japanese manipulations to return to a semi-colonial quisling status will be branded as a traitor whose name will go down in infamy. On the other hand, a failure to obtain an SMA agreement on military cost sharing will be political catastrophe for the South Korean administration. These US and Japanese tactics are starting to smell like a regime change formula for the democratically elected government of South Korea.

See: [News analysis] The US’ intentions behind ramping up S. Korea’s share of defense costs
Posted on : Nov.8,2019 17:49 KST Modified on : Nov.8,2019 17:49 KST
http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_international/916356.html

[Editorial] US contradicting itself by pressuring S. Korea to extend GSOMIA
Posted on : Nov.7,2019 16:52 KST Modified on : Nov.7,2019 16:52 KST
http://english.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_editorial/916184.html

Tainted Retired General Comes to the "Aid" of Hwang Kyo-ahn

Man on horseback comes to the rescue?

Former ROK Army Commander of the 2nd Operational Command, Park Chan-ju, has made a splash in political and media circles, by publicly announcing he is interested in running for the National Assembly representative as a nominee of the opposition Liberty Korea Party. Park pretty much ended his long military career in a cloud of opprobrium. He was investigated by the Suwon District Prosecutors Office for abuse of military subordinates at his official residence. The case was referred by the Army. The couple allegedly used Army subordinates in uniform to wash clothes, and drive the general's children here and there on private business in official vehicles. Other allegations were that uniformed service members were used to tend a private garden and also to fetch golf balls. Service members alleged they were verbally and physically abused by the general's wife. The charges against the general were dropped. Notably, the accusations originated at the Military Human Rights Center and were based upon statements of complaining service members who worked at the general's official residence.

See: South Korean general, wife accused of treating conscripts like ‘slaves’
https://www.stripes.com/news/south-korean-general-wife-accused-of-treating-conscripts-like-slaves-1.481890

Along with this disgraceful episode General Park was charged for accepting bribes and improper gifts and services from private donors. After conviction at the first trial he was given a suspended sentence of four months and some heavy fines. At a second trial he was acquitted of the bribery charge, but found to have violated military rules with respect to the acceptance of gratuities and fined a relatively small amount, four million won related to recognized improprieties.

(Source- JTBC News 11.3) Former General of the ROK Army Park Chan-ju, progress of judicial process: Abuse of employees charge- not guilty disposition; bribery charges- found not guilty at second trial; graft charges- fined 4 million won.

General Park recently made widely covered public statements that the Moon Jae-in administration is damaging South Korean national security by seeking peace not backed by military strength. Additionally, he has attacked BG Im Tae-hun, from the Military Human Rights Center, indicating that his allegations concerning public disclosures of the martial law plans drawn up by the National Security Council in early 2017 while Hwang Kyo-ahn was acting president of South Korea, were politically motivated and untrue. The retired general claimed to be speaking on behalf of active duty generals who were not free to speak out against the administration.

What is sensational about the former general's remarks made at a public press conference is a statement that it was apparent to him that Im Tae-hun had not ever been to the Samcheong Education Camp, which is a reference to a harsh boot camp like political education center to which 40,000 political prisoners were sent after martial law was declared by Chun Doo-hwan in May 1980. Many persons sent to this camp at the time either died from their injuries or were seriously injured. Prisoners were commonly physically beaten and suffered other kinds of painful behavior modification techniques. It seems telling that the general would make such a reference considering the recent charges of abuse of service members against him, the history of the Samcheong facility, and the current political context. The reference imputes a sinister message to the Liberty Korea Party for those who have not yet recognized the implications of the veneration of the tradition of the dictatorships, and the current political threat of a return to such conditions.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.4 ) Former ROK Army General Park Chan-ju: "The head of the Military Human Rights Center (Im Tae-hun, center) needs to go to Samcheong Education Camp."

Political commentators noted that the general does not seek to run as a proportional representation candidate of the Liberty Korea Party which may indicate something about the prospects of a junior candidate's Liberty Korea Party earning enough votes to put him in office. He prefers to run as his home district's ( Cheonan city, Chungcheondo) candidate where it is felt his prospects would be much better. It is acknowledged that among conservative circles there would naturally be support for General Park as a National Assembly candidate. It is questioned if it wouldn't be imprudent, in light of the recent Cho Kuk debacle to put forward a candidate who regardless of judicial outcomes in the Suwon District Court, seems to share some features of the recent Justice Minister's corruption scandal. A concern is that younger party members and voters would be put off by the old general's political baggage and his hyperbolic references to prior martial law mechanisms. As one JTBC political analyst put it "wouldn't it be adding insult to injury?" The LKP seems to be moving further and further right in an effort to regain political power from the democratic administration. Will they adopt the messaging of the old general on horseback? Or will the LKP back away from blatant far right extremism that they have been coyly seeking to unleash?

(Source- JTBC News 11.4) On May 17, 1980, directly after the emergency declaration of martial law, the National Security Emergency Countermeasures Committee, as a part of the Social Purification Policy, established the military command, the Samcheong Education Camp.

For background on Samcheong "Training" Camp see:

S. Korean junta punished civilians with military camp in early 1980s: report
Posted on : Nov.11,2006 16:50 KST Modified on : Nov.11,2006 16:50 KST

http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_national/171123.html

Hwang Kyo-ahn Has it Both Ways

As long as, the former prime minister is suspected of considering martial law plans in 2017, he seeks to take political credit from those who would have welcomed martial law, while denying he had any role.

(Source- JTBC News, 10.28 ) Hwang Kyo-ahn, former prime minister, and leader of the Liberty Korea Party, (right); and Na Kyung-won, National Assembly floor leader of Liberty Korea Party, (center) attend 40th Memorial Service for assassinated dictator Park Chung-hee (10.26). Hwang is quoted as saying, "we must learn the spirit of Park Chung-hee."

There are recent reports on the disclosure of new evidence, National Security Council documents, detailing preparations for the implementation of martial law during the waning days of the Park Geun-hye impeachment proceedings. During this time in February and early March 2017, it appears from the documentation, that the commander of the Defense Security Command, prepared plans to implement martial law, to avoid the fall of the conservative Park Geun-hye administration. The official National Security Council documents are circumstantial evidence that the then acting president and prime minister Hwang Kyo-ahn, had knowledge of the plans, and perhaps as acting chair of the NSC, played a role in their formulation. Hwang has made flat denials of any knowledge of such preparations for the implementation of martial law to save the conservative administration. At the time, democratic opposition protesters were carrying out massive demonstrations in Gwanghwamun and other locations in South Korea during the pendency of the Park Geun-hye impeachment process. Other observers have attempted to belittle the significance of the martial law plans, suggesting that at worst, they were only contingency plans to deal with public disorder rather than a coup d'etat to overthrow the constitutional order. It is not clear what happened during the very last days preceding the conviction of Park Geun-hye by the Constitutional Court. The critical witness to the formulation of the martial law plans, and their potential execution was the commander of the Defense Security Command, Cho Hyun-cheon ( 조현천 기무사령관 ). He was the key person involved in their development. It is important to note in this regard, that the same role was played by former president Chun Du-won as the Defense Security Command commander after the assassination of Park Chung-hee (Park Geun-hye's father) forty years earlier after the fall of the Yushin Constitution. The coup planning DSC commander Cho Hyun-cheon, in question now, fled South Korea, and his whereabouts are allegedly unknown. Interpol has refused to issue a warrant calling for his arrest citing a policy not to use legal process in political cases. All of this is according to an interview of Im Tae-hun of the Military Human Rights Center ( 임태훈 군인권센터 ) who represents the whistle blower who leaked classified NSC documents. *


* https://news.v.daum.net/v/20191021211005908, (transcript of youtube podcast) MBC radio interview 10.21

(Source- OhMyNews 10.30) Im Tae-hun press briefing at the Military Human Rights Center.


Significant detail in the 2017 martial law plans in question called for various army units to deploy to the Gwanghwamun plaza site of the so-called "candlelight" demonstrations, multiple major university campus locations, strategic bridges in Seoul, and to Yoido, the location of the National Assembly. All these tactical moves with a view toward dispersing demonstrators, arresting activists and political opposition leaders, blocking movements of citizens, and preventing the normal governmental functions of the National Assembly.

In an ironic turnabout, the Liberty Korea Party currently in its role of political opposition, has organized demonstrations at Gwanghwamun against the current Moon Jae-in, democratic administration. Although LKP floor leader Na, gave herself an award for toppling the Justice Minister Cho Guk from his newly appointed position, it is likely that the Chief Prosecutor's office is the more responsible party. After attending an overnight Gwangwhamun demonstration this weekend, LKP leaders Hwang and Na, attended the 40th memorial ceremony for former president Park Chung-hye. The former president has been credited with modernizing the Korean economy while ruling South Korea with an iron fist in a military like social order. The former dictator was also credited with "normalizing" relations with Japan, which the blog has described elsewhere. This modernization effort was characterized by self serving corruption by the former Japanese trained military officer and his pro-Japanese political and business cronies. The LKP represents the heirs of this Park political tradition. These interests have consistently blocked efforts to come to terms with the Japanese colonial legacy in Korea for decades.


Cho Guk recently had been appointed Justice Minister to reform the national prosecutor's office. It appears that there was an element of bias in prosecution resistance to the widely supported initiative to check the unbridled power of the "republic of lawyers." The apparent corruption of Cho Guk's family members gave them a lever to force him out of office. The prosecutor's office was accused of multiple leaks by some journalists which added to the political unrest in the streets. On the other hand, the lawyer, Im Tae-hoon who represents the martial law plans whistle blower, asserts that the Chief Prosecutors Office has deliberately sat on documentation that casts suspicion on Hwang Kyo-Ahn's complicity in martial law plans. The far right opposes fast track reform while an agreement has been reached by four political parties to fast track the prosecutorial reform legislation so as to get a floor vote during this session of the National Assembly.

Source- JTBC News, 10.28 ) Hwang Kyo-ahn, leader of the Liberty Korea Party, and Na Kyung-won, National Assembly floor leader of Liberty Korea Party, are front and center at the 40th Memorial Ceremony for the former President Park Chung-hee, 10.26. The sign above the portal says refers to President Park Chung-hee's philosophy as a father of the country, "a proper country has a strong military."

Ironically, Hwang's presence at the memorial service for the former dictator was marked by some boos and jeers calling him "traitor." It is notable that the impeachment of Park Geun-hye took place while Hwang was acting president. She was tried under impeachment proceedings before the Constitutional Court. Apparently some in the conservative audience thought Hwang should have done something about it while he had the opportunity. The peaceful transition of power by impeachment and free elections, is viewed as a betrayal by the ultra far right elements attending not only the Park 40th Memorial but also the current Gwanghwamun demonstrations sponsored by the LKP: protestant evangelicals that elected Park Geun-hye; and the far right pro-dictator elements. Hwang has been reported to have said things such as we need to remember "Park Chung-hee's leadership concerning the economy during a difficult economic period of which there are many examples." Also "we must learn the spirit of Park Chung-hee." As to the anti-Moon Jae-in demonstrations calling for the democratic president's arrest and ouster, Hwang said the demonstrations reflect the "anger of the people." Political commentators noted that it is evident that the LKP leadership intends these demonstrations continue. There were other cynical observations about the role of churches and the party apparently furnishing free food as inducements to gather. One expert said, Cho Guk's fall was no cause to relax, "they caught the rabbit in the house, now it's time to catch the rabbit in the mountain." Another observation was that South Korea may only be at the half way point in this constitutional confrontation.

In another late news item, it was reported that leader Na, appeared at press briefing with the National Assembly leader, Moon Hee-sang, and two other party leaders, to announce that the Assembly committee handling fast track legislation approved referral of a prosecutorial reform bill to the Assembly floor for a vote. During the news item it was noted that the representatives from the center right Barun Mirae Party, and the Justice Party were demonstrating on the floor for a vote to fast track the Legislative reform bill first. As the blog has noted previously, it is this extension of proportional (nation wide) seating that is expected to decrease the number of district seats held by the Liberty Korea Party. Until this matter is resolved, street politics and associated political theater in Seoul are likely to continue unabated. Na said something like this to the National Assembly leader, "I'd rather stop this unconstitutional fast track process than hold hands (for a photo shoot)." The leader responded, "I'd rather hold a wrist, than be grabbed by the ankle." The latter a reference to the continual obstruction of legislation by the LKP opposition. LKP physical obstruction of committee efforts led by Na last April is currently subject to an investigation by prosecutors.

Korean Students Trespass on US Ambassador's Residence: Reflections

One can read or watch the short accounts of a relatively small group of South Korean college students climbing the wall of Ambassador Harris' official residence in Seoul. Some well qualified pundits of South Korean affairs have taken the opportunity to righteously condemn what was an obviously illegal demonstration. Nineteen students involved have been arrested. The historical and political context is somewhat lost, as legality is the ultimate arbiter for others, as Americans sometimes tacitly and sometimes openly approve of illegal operations when it favors their own cause. One, can't help but think of the "Free Choseon" group that attacked the North Korean embassy in Madrid on the eve of the Hanoi Summit. For a brief time, this was a cause celebre in certain US circles. The former Marine intelligence specialist, Christopher Ahn, was arrested in the US for his alleged participation, jailed, and then released on conditions pending a Spanish government extradition request. Whatever intelligence was gleaned from the hand phones and hard drives taken from the DPRK embassy by the group, was delivered to the FBI, not surprisingly. A patina of official legality was maintained by returning the items, issuing a warrant for Adrian Hong, the group's Yale educated ring-leader, and arresting Ahn.

But all that aside, the substance of the unlawful "sit in" demonstration at the US Ambassador's residence is historically significant because it relates back to a time in the late 19th Century when foreign legations sought to control Korea's fate. Early on, the Japanese and Chinese contended for dominance in late Chosun. The Chinese were defeated by the fledgling modern Japanese armed forces in the Sino-Japanese War. After that the Russian and Japanese delegations vied for control of the Chosun emperor's court. Empress Myeongseong who attempted to resist Japanese coercion of the struggling Chosun dynasty, was assassinated by agents of the Japanese right in Gyeongbokgung palace, October 28, 1895. Periodically, Japanese troops entered the palace grounds. Gojong the "Emperor" was offered protection in the Russian legation official residence. That refuge didn't last. The Russians ultimately lost the Russo-Japanese War for dominance in Korea. For a brief period Gojong moved next to the US legation residence in Seoul to obtain the advantage of the protection of USMC guards next door. That didn't last as the US abandoned it's "open door" policy in Chosun for a cynical deal with the Japanese recognizing their dominance in Korea in exchange for US colonial dominance in the Philippines.

Lee Won Yong, prime minister, and Ito Hirobumi, resident general of the Korean protectorate, circa 1907. Ito was assassinated in Harbin in 1909, and Lee was the victim of an attempted assassination by stabbing months later in Seoul. Lee was known at the leading traitor of Eulsa. As the erstwhile leader of the Korean Independence Federation, and prime minister of Chosun, Lee had lost foreign support for the independence of Korea.


In 1905, the "Emperor" Gojong refused to sign the "Treaty of Eulsa," which made Korea a "protectorate" of Japan. Those Korean officials who did sign it went down in infamy as the "traitors of Eulsa," which unfortunately included the acting prime minister, who also led the Korean Independence Federation, and betrayed its principles for the proverbial forty pieces of silver (actually he was paid about 2.5 million in gold upon signing the Treaty). Although it is said that Korea didn't become a colony until it was officially annexed in 1910, it had already lost all it's sovereignty as a protectorate in 1905. Japanese undue influence over Korea essentially began with it's military involvement in the suppression of the Tonghak movement in 1894 and ebbed and flowed until its victory over Russia in 1905. This was a period when the legations of the more powerful states in the region routinely interfered in the domestic and foreign affairs of Korea. The Korean crown prince was held as a hostage by the Resident General Ito Hirobumi after the Eulsa capitulation. Annexation in 1910, with its pretensions of legality in the heyday of imperialism was just a formality.

So this period so important to the genesis of the Korean Independence Movement, is the backdrop for modern Korean events. Politically aware Koreans know very well what role foreign diplomatic delegations have played in interference in their sovereign matters, whether by coercion or providing financial inducements to heads of state, like the dictator, Park Chung Hee. Ambassador Harris has a "chin il," pro-Japanese bias, as most Americans do, the legacy of the cold war. Perhaps he has a sensitivity to these issues as someone of Asian-American heritage, with a substantial resume in Japan, perhaps not. Clearly, Japan, is not the only power to have coerced South Korea, although it is also doing it again now. However, the admiral cum ambassador's public demand for increasing the South Korean contribution to defense sharing by a factor of five was a blunder of high order. One cannot help but wonder how he conceives his role as ambassador to repeat such a ridiculous demand. Is he just "following orders" as the saying goes? One would expect an ambassador rather than acting merely as an advocate for the president's unreasonable demand in these negotiations to attempt to mitigate the impact by advising the white house and the diplomatic team preparing to negotiate in Hawaii, that they are way out of line. Donald Trump needs more than a yes man in the ambassador's residence.

The presence of large right wing crowds, led by the Liberty Korea Party, near Gwanghwamun plaza, the Gyeongbokgung palace, and the US embassy building, many waving US flags doesn't help any. The net effect is to undermine the current democratic South Korean administration at home while it is negotiating the five year Special Measures Agreement. The coincidence doesn't really escape notice. The embassy's location can't be changed soon enough.