Yoon clings to Hwang Kyo-ahn for his survival

Note- this blog entry has been edited and updated with new information from April 1 through April 4.

(Source- 뉴스썰TV April 1) Former Prime Minister during the Park Geun-hye administration, Hwang Kyo-ahn (center) and Supreme Prosecutor Yoon Seok-yeol (right). Hwang is a candidate for National Assembly representative in the Jongno district. Hwang is the leader of the newly named United Future Party (conservative opposition party). He is running against Lee Nak-won, also a former prime minister from the incumbent democratic party. Both are presumed to be in contention for their parties' respective presidential nominations in 2022. Yoon's political calculus is that it is only through the success of the United Future Party in the upcoming National Assembly general election this April 15 that he can survive.

Public outrage grows in South Korea over the use of right wing political influence to protect the family of Supreme Prosecutor Yoon Seok-yeol from prosecution over the years. Left of center media anticipate that Yoon is likely to be the first object of investigation by the Public Corruption office established by the recent fast track legislative reforms enacted into law earlier this year. In spite of the extreme efforts by the right to block that legislation, the very purpose of the prosecutorial reform was to prevent the corrupt use of prosecution powers for political purposes. Currently, it is this political corruption which the Yoon office is alleged to represent.

Yoon in the past has often been quoted as beholding to no person no matter how powerful and only dedicated to justice. This patina of impartiality has been stripped away in the recent disclosures about the role Hwang played in Yoon's bar discipline in December 2012, and the alleged role Na Kyung-won's husband played as judge in delaying pending investigations against Yoon's mother in law and wife for alleged business frauds. The photo above of Hwang and Yoon together in a partisan political setting rips away what is left of Yoon's professional image. Investigations against Hwang and Na for unlawful conduct interfering with National Assembly processes have gone nowhere, so the image itself represents a continuing conflict of interest by Yoon as the senior prosecutor of South Korea.

A current MBC story going viral in the alternative media alleges that a Channel A reporter from their legal coverage team, contacted a former CEO, Lee Cheol, from a private corporation called Sillajen and attempted to induce him to enter an arrangement to defame the head of the No Moo-hyun foundation, Yoo Shi-min, who has been an outspoken critic of the right. Yoo Shi-min's blistering accusations are often used by left leaning media against the leading lights in the United Future Party and specifically include Na Kyung-won, and lately, Yoon Seok-yeol. Lee Cheol and one of his former associates are the sources of the allegations. Lee Cheol has been in confinement pending charges of financial crimes.

(Source- MBC News 4.4) Graphic depicts relationships among Lee Cheol, former Value Investments chief executive (formerly Sillajen chief executive)(upper right); Channel A unnamed reporter (upper left); the Lee Cheol acquaintence (lower right) who is the MBC confidential source; and MBC as the news organization breaking the story (lower left). So the graphic represents Channel A reporter coercing evidence of political corruption from Lee Cheol in four letters, who in turn asks his acquaintance to meet with the Channel A reporter as a proxy because Lee is in confinement pending charges of financial crimes. Subsequently three meetings take place between the confidential source and the Channel A reporter. The confidential source then goes to MBC news as a "whistleblower" because he doesn't want to cooperate with the Channel A reporter's scheme.

It was reported by Lee that the Channel A reporter solicited a false report that Yoo Shi-min, the foundation director, had traded stocks in the corporation based upon inside information. The former corporate officer alleged the reporter told him that Channel A, in tacit cooperation with the prosecution office's request, would publish the defamatory information against Yoo Shi-min. The source said Lee was also requested to provide any financial information that could be used against persons connected to the incumbent political party or Blue House. According to the confidential source, connected to Lee, various threats and offers were made to Lee Cheol to induce his cooperation, including death threats, and threats to prosecute and imprison his wife. The Channel A reporter is alleged to have asserted a close relationship with the central prosecutor's office and the ability to see to it that Lee didn't get a prison sentence. Lee alleged that the reporter sent him letters which included threats, while he was confined in jail.

According to MBC News, the confidential source, alleged that he had met the Channel A reporter multiple times, who ultimately allowed him to hear a recording of incriminating conversations on the phone with a prosecutor allegedly close to Yoon Seok-yeol, as bona fides to support the illegal arrangement. According to the allegations as reported by MBC News, the source was confident that the voice in the recorded phone conversation was that of someone close to Yoon Seok-yeol, whose name has not been disclosed by MBC. Channel A News and the prosecutor's office deny all such allegations, and dispute the credibility of the news story by MBC or the existence of any corroborating evidence. According to MBC news, they have corroborated independently that their confidential source actually did meet with the Channel A reporter and they dispute Channel A's disavowal of knowledge of these meetings or their purpose which was stated as being intended to have an impact on the upcoming April 15 election cycle. A relatively well known finance minister and deputy prime minister from the Park Geun-hye administration, Choi Kyoung-hwan, had been implicated earlier in financial misconduct involving Sillajen investments. Allegedly, according to the confidential source there was a perceived need to muddy the waters of corruption in the prior conservative administration by implicating Yoo Shi-min or other pro-Moon politicians in the financial scandal.

Apparently, there are recordings of conversations between the confidential source and the Channel A reporter. Excepts of the recordings have been played on MBC news broadcasts. One potential defense on the part of Channel A is to disavow knowledge of the reporter's individual actions. The confidential source said phone records and text messages he had received from Channel A would refute their defense. Channel A is a subsidiary of Dong A media which owns DongA Ilbo, a major conservative newspaper in South Korea. The Minister of Justice, Chu Mi-ae made a statement concerning the affair, which she felt warranted an investigation, on the basis of a suspected improper relationship between the press and prosecution, and the possibility of a politically motivated investigation.

Update April 10: The name of the Channel A reporter alleged to have engaged with Lee Cheol by letter and met with his associate, has been dislosed by MBC as Lee Dong-jae ( 이동재 ). Han Dong-hun, formerly, chief prosecutor of the Pusan office, has been identified as the prosecutor alleged to have had an improper relationship with reporter Lee from Channel A. According to late reports, he has been transferred to the Human Rights Office of the Central Prosecutor's Office. Both Channel A and the prosecutor's office deny the allegations.

Hwang Kyo-ahn's Hunger Strike- Day 6

Hwang Kyo-ahn's hunger strike passes the six day mark. He's got a relatively small crowd of supporters, mostly religious and far right types setting up tents and making noise all day and night outside the Blue House in violation of various laws. There is a similar but smaller group outside the National Assembly. Two things could possibly happen, one, a police dispersal which could become a source of violence. The second could be the death of Hwang Kyo-ahn, the right wing leader, using the tactics of the left and occupy to attempt to thwart the fast track legislative reform legislation that will damage his party's prospects in the next election cycle. Na Kyung-won has been visiting Hwang in his tent in front of the Blue House. After the extension of the GSOMIA agreement, Hwang's hunger strike, had the appearance of some efficacy. An occupy like demonstration has emerged near the Blue House, that is reportedly in violation of different proscriptions, the first a security zone around the Blue House perimeter which Hwang's tent and the assembly nearby apparently violate. The second a violation of noise restrictions in the area. The third a violation of "anti-gypsy" proscriptions which disallow squatting or erecting quarters on public grounds for overnight occupation. The demonstrators claim there is an overriding Constitutional guarantee of political expression which protects them. Some critics dispute this. Hearing a debate on this subject, it appeared that time, place and manner restrictions are not a thing on the right for these purposes. There are similar concerns surrounding a related squatter type operation around the National Assembly grounds.

Moon Jae-in has been out of town the last few days for the ASEAN conference which Seoul is hosting in Pusan. The legal and political dilemna on the plaza and streets in front of the Blue House is apparently being handled by Blue House staff and other party leaders in his absence. Thus far, they have acted with great restraint unwilling to paint the disingenuous Hwang as a "patriotric martyr for the cause," as is portrayed on the new jackets worn by the occupiers in the streets. These squatters and their tents festooned with numerous US flags. Even if the legal grounds exist to disperse them, it would be likely to escalate into an undesirable situation. Thus far, Democratic party leaders have merely asked Hwang to have his followers leave voluntarily. Police have placed notices on the tents of their illegal status suggesting they may be removed by official action. One wonders how long this fiasco will go on.

Placards, banners and signs at demonstrators' scene, say Moon Jae-in is a communist, that he is a dictator ruining the country, that he should step down, etc. Moon's defenders point out that the incredible restraint shown by police is merely evidence of Moon's substantial resume as a defender of human rights and the principles of democracy.

See my immediately preceding post for more detailed discussion of issues related to Hwang's hunger strike.

Update, 11.30: Hwang Kyo-ahn's hunger strike was even shorter than expected. After being hospitalized Wednesday night, it was announced he had given up his hunger strike on Friday. LKP floor leader Na Kyung-won has announced a new filibuster strategy to block all legislation until the end of the regular session of the National Assembly. So the struggle against election reform and prosecution reform continues at the expense of the 200 pending legislative bills before the Assembly.

Hwang Kyo-ahn's Hunger Strike

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Liberty Korea Party leader, Hwang Kyo-ahn on a hunger strike.

Just over a month ago, in a commentary titled Political Turmoil in South Korea, I asked, "...So what will the wily LKP leaders come up with for their next move? More mass street demonstrations? Attempts by demonstrators to enter the Blue House? Violent Black Bloc type tactics seen in Hong Kong presaged in the October 3 Gwangwhamun demonstration? Anything could happen." Well now we have it. Right wing Liberty Party Korea leader, Hwang Kyo-ahn, has gone on a "hunger strike," the South Korean news media reported yesterday. This is a further variation on Hwang's holier than thou pose as an ascetic when he shaved his head as a protest against the suspected corruption of then Justice Minister Cho Kuk. That particular cause, after Cho's resignation, seems to have exhausted itself in light of the accusations against LKP floor leader in the Assembly, Na Kyung-won. Now, Hwang says he's "determined to die" as part of his sit-in hunger strike. His hunger strike started at 2:00 pm local time in Seoul according to JTBC.

The backdrop is the change in political tides against Hwang and his colleague, LKP floor leader Na Kyung-won. The latter has been accused in the press with corruption in connection with her daughter's college admission. This corruption is hypocritically tied to her self described sense of "public service" on behalf of the Special Olympics. Suffice it to say, her alleged corruption seems remarkably similar to that imputed to Cho Kuk, against whom she and Hwang campaigned making appearances in the streets in Gwangwhamun Plaza with hundreds of thousands to express their moral indignation until Cho's resignation. Now, Na plans to leave the country for a break from the focus on her corruption to address GSOMIA and SOFA disputes with members of the US Congress. Her appearance at the international airport on the way out of the country today presented an awkward sight to say the least. But it's better than staying in South Korea for the time being while two criminal inquiries are pending against her. This also gives Na the opportunity to dissociate herself from Hwang's hunger strike, while giving Na the appearance of actually being engaged somehow in a real political process rather than the obstructionism which is her forte in the Assembly as the LKP opposition leader. One has to wonder what her real intentions are. It almost gives the impression of leaving a house on fire.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Reo Yeong-kuk, Justice Party, "While there is much talk inside and outside that the LKP must reform, the answer will not be a hunger strike; rather than cutting off food, he should cut off politics."

But back to Hwang's hunger strike. Hwang, The LKP leader and former prime minister under Park Geun-hye is resorting to the old tradition in the Chosun court to make an individual petition to the throne by placing oneself at risk in front of the palace royal hall. This involved the petitioner being subjected to the hardships of nature and the elements until one is either heard by the King and receives an appropriate response or literally dies in the process. Anyone who watches South Korean historical dramas is familiar with these scenes. However, what is curious is why a political party leader finds it necessary to do this when South Korea today is a democracy? Such actions are typically a manifestation of powerlessness and desperation. Yes, there is the dramatic patina of virtue which goes with such scenes where the historical actor risks their life for a principle. It is apparent that Hwang's demonstration is also drama for television, like shaving his head was several weeks ago. Apart from the dramatic pictures, it is certain that Hwang will be making trips to the rest room, and drinking water.

The public venues Hwang has chosen to to make his demonstration are subject to other pre-scheduled events which conflict with his plans. So he had to move from the venue in front of the Blue House to a position on the National Assembly grounds which again had an event conflicting with Hwang's demonstration necessitating another move. When the temperature dropped at night Hwang was seen donning his duck down winter outer clothing and a blanket, taking a departure from the historical practice. It was noted by newscasters that he used a cushion to sit on the hard ground surfaces. So Hwang is not so much placing himself under maximum deprivation or risking his health in an immediate sense as in the customary practice but grandstanding for the cameras. The act isn't going over well. One cannot overestimate the desperate situation the LKP leader finds himself in politically to undertake such posturing. JTBC news commentators and seasoned politicians referred to it as a crisis in leadership. It appears that Hwang may have coordinated this event with the evangelical leader Jeon Gwang- hoon, executive director of the United Christian Conference, who played a key role in the Gwanghwamun demonstrations where he called for the impeachment of Moon Jae-In, "effective immediately." Jeon has been criticized as a demagogue and right wing extremist.

Hwang said he's demonstrating against the harm the Moon Jae-in government has done to South Korea, and against the further harm it appears is on the way. Specifically he's referring to fast track legislation to which four other parties have agreed to circumvent LKP stonewalling on legislation during the 20th Session of the National Assembly. In his statement of grievances Hwang addressed the prosecution reform particularly the provision for a specific office for investigation of crimes by public officials. Hwang asserted this was a means for Moon Jae In to punish those who oppose him. Secondly, the fast track proposal increasing the number of proportional seats and reducing district representation seats, if approved on the Assembly floor is virtually certain to adversely affect the number of LKP representatives. This proposal according to Hwang was Moon Jae In's design to "serve himself." Yet this will benefit the under represented smaller parties in the National Assembly who support the reform. This is the real crisis for the LKP. Democracy in the form of proportional representation is rearing its ugly head. The far right conservatives in Hwang's party lose even more political power adding insult to injury after their collapse in the last election cycle. Hwang has adopted the GSOMIA issue as well. He's making the US argument on behalf of intelligence sharing with Japan. It's unlikely this will earn many political points in light the humiliating treatment South Korea has received from Abe's Japan over the past few months, and the continuing "shameful," browbeating the South Korean people have witnessed from US officials in the last few weeks.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.20) Hong Joon-pyo, "What sort of hunger strike? Will a hunger strike solve a problem? Before that there is the problem that must be solved politically."

It's not suprising that criticism of Hwang's hunger strike is coming from all quarters including his own party which is showing some signs of fracturing under the pressure. Obviously there would be criticism from the incumbent party in power, the Democratic Party which regards Hwang's hunger strike as a nuisance born of anxiety on his part. The Justice Party representative suggested that rather than quitting food Hwang should quit politics. Hong Joon-pyo the former leader of the LKP, with an eye to his successor in interest's faltering position, suggested that Hwang as a the party leader should be engaged in a political solution rather than a hunger strike. He also stated that Hwang's hunger strike wouldn't budge Moon Jae-in one bit. Hong made very critical statements about the matter on line. Another member of the LKP cited Hwang's action as more evidence of a leadership crisis in the LKP which requires the establishment of a new conservative party. A spokesperson for the Barun Mirae Dang the center right party, in favor of fast track legislation, was similarly critical of Hwang's leadership.

Tainted Retired General Comes to the "Aid" of Hwang Kyo-ahn

Man on horseback comes to the rescue?

Former ROK Army Commander of the 2nd Operational Command, Park Chan-ju, has made a splash in political and media circles, by publicly announcing he is interested in running for the National Assembly representative as a nominee of the opposition Liberty Korea Party. Park pretty much ended his long military career in a cloud of opprobrium. He was investigated by the Suwon District Prosecutors Office for abuse of military subordinates at his official residence. The case was referred by the Army. The couple allegedly used Army subordinates in uniform to wash clothes, and drive the general's children here and there on private business in official vehicles. Other allegations were that uniformed service members were used to tend a private garden and also to fetch golf balls. Service members alleged they were verbally and physically abused by the general's wife. The charges against the general were dropped. Notably, the accusations originated at the Military Human Rights Center and were based upon statements of complaining service members who worked at the general's official residence.

See: South Korean general, wife accused of treating conscripts like ‘slaves’
https://www.stripes.com/news/south-korean-general-wife-accused-of-treating-conscripts-like-slaves-1.481890

Along with this disgraceful episode General Park was charged for accepting bribes and improper gifts and services from private donors. After conviction at the first trial he was given a suspended sentence of four months and some heavy fines. At a second trial he was acquitted of the bribery charge, but found to have violated military rules with respect to the acceptance of gratuities and fined a relatively small amount, four million won related to recognized improprieties.

(Source- JTBC News 11.3) Former General of the ROK Army Park Chan-ju, progress of judicial process: Abuse of employees charge- not guilty disposition; bribery charges- found not guilty at second trial; graft charges- fined 4 million won.

General Park recently made widely covered public statements that the Moon Jae-in administration is damaging South Korean national security by seeking peace not backed by military strength. Additionally, he has attacked BG Im Tae-hun, from the Military Human Rights Center, indicating that his allegations concerning public disclosures of the martial law plans drawn up by the National Security Council in early 2017 while Hwang Kyo-ahn was acting president of South Korea, were politically motivated and untrue. The retired general claimed to be speaking on behalf of active duty generals who were not free to speak out against the administration.

What is sensational about the former general's remarks made at a public press conference is a statement that it was apparent to him that Im Tae-hun had not ever been to the Samcheong Education Camp, which is a reference to a harsh boot camp like political education center to which 40,000 political prisoners were sent after martial law was declared by Chun Doo-hwan in May 1980. Many persons sent to this camp at the time either died from their injuries or were seriously injured. Prisoners were commonly physically beaten and suffered other kinds of painful behavior modification techniques. It seems telling that the general would make such a reference considering the recent charges of abuse of service members against him, the history of the Samcheong facility, and the current political context. The reference imputes a sinister message to the Liberty Korea Party for those who have not yet recognized the implications of the veneration of the tradition of the dictatorships, and the current political threat of a return to such conditions.

(Source- JTBC News, 11.4 ) Former ROK Army General Park Chan-ju: "The head of the Military Human Rights Center (Im Tae-hun, center) needs to go to Samcheong Education Camp."

Political commentators noted that the general does not seek to run as a proportional representation candidate of the Liberty Korea Party which may indicate something about the prospects of a junior candidate's Liberty Korea Party earning enough votes to put him in office. He prefers to run as his home district's ( Cheonan city, Chungcheondo) candidate where it is felt his prospects would be much better. It is acknowledged that among conservative circles there would naturally be support for General Park as a National Assembly candidate. It is questioned if it wouldn't be imprudent, in light of the recent Cho Kuk debacle to put forward a candidate who regardless of judicial outcomes in the Suwon District Court, seems to share some features of the recent Justice Minister's corruption scandal. A concern is that younger party members and voters would be put off by the old general's political baggage and his hyperbolic references to prior martial law mechanisms. As one JTBC political analyst put it "wouldn't it be adding insult to injury?" The LKP seems to be moving further and further right in an effort to regain political power from the democratic administration. Will they adopt the messaging of the old general on horseback? Or will the LKP back away from blatant far right extremism that they have been coyly seeking to unleash?

(Source- JTBC News 11.4) On May 17, 1980, directly after the emergency declaration of martial law, the National Security Emergency Countermeasures Committee, as a part of the Social Purification Policy, established the military command, the Samcheong Education Camp.

For background on Samcheong "Training" Camp see:

S. Korean junta punished civilians with military camp in early 1980s: report
Posted on : Nov.11,2006 16:50 KST Modified on : Nov.11,2006 16:50 KST

http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/english_edition/e_national/171123.html

Hwang Kyo-ahn Has it Both Ways

As long as, the former prime minister is suspected of considering martial law plans in 2017, he seeks to take political credit from those who would have welcomed martial law, while denying he had any role.

(Source- JTBC News, 10.28 ) Hwang Kyo-ahn, former prime minister, and leader of the Liberty Korea Party, (right); and Na Kyung-won, National Assembly floor leader of Liberty Korea Party, (center) attend 40th Memorial Service for assassinated dictator Park Chung-hee (10.26). Hwang is quoted as saying, "we must learn the spirit of Park Chung-hee."

There are recent reports on the disclosure of new evidence, National Security Council documents, detailing preparations for the implementation of martial law during the waning days of the Park Geun-hye impeachment proceedings. During this time in February and early March 2017, it appears from the documentation, that the commander of the Defense Security Command, prepared plans to implement martial law, to avoid the fall of the conservative Park Geun-hye administration. The official National Security Council documents are circumstantial evidence that the then acting president and prime minister Hwang Kyo-ahn, had knowledge of the plans, and perhaps as acting chair of the NSC, played a role in their formulation. Hwang has made flat denials of any knowledge of such preparations for the implementation of martial law to save the conservative administration. At the time, democratic opposition protesters were carrying out massive demonstrations in Gwanghwamun and other locations in South Korea during the pendency of the Park Geun-hye impeachment process. Other observers have attempted to belittle the significance of the martial law plans, suggesting that at worst, they were only contingency plans to deal with public disorder rather than a coup d'etat to overthrow the constitutional order. It is not clear what happened during the very last days preceding the conviction of Park Geun-hye by the Constitutional Court. The critical witness to the formulation of the martial law plans, and their potential execution was the commander of the Defense Security Command, Cho Hyun-cheon ( 조현천 기무사령관 ). He was the key person involved in their development. It is important to note in this regard, that the same role was played by former president Chun Du-won as the Defense Security Command commander after the assassination of Park Chung-hee (Park Geun-hye's father) forty years earlier after the fall of the Yushin Constitution. The coup planning DSC commander Cho Hyun-cheon, in question now, fled South Korea, and his whereabouts are allegedly unknown. Interpol has refused to issue a warrant calling for his arrest citing a policy not to use legal process in political cases. All of this is according to an interview of Im Tae-hun of the Military Human Rights Center ( 임태훈 군인권센터 ) who represents the whistle blower who leaked classified NSC documents. *


* https://news.v.daum.net/v/20191021211005908, (transcript of youtube podcast) MBC radio interview 10.21

(Source- OhMyNews 10.30) Im Tae-hun press briefing at the Military Human Rights Center.


Significant detail in the 2017 martial law plans in question called for various army units to deploy to the Gwanghwamun plaza site of the so-called "candlelight" demonstrations, multiple major university campus locations, strategic bridges in Seoul, and to Yoido, the location of the National Assembly. All these tactical moves with a view toward dispersing demonstrators, arresting activists and political opposition leaders, blocking movements of citizens, and preventing the normal governmental functions of the National Assembly.

In an ironic turnabout, the Liberty Korea Party currently in its role of political opposition, has organized demonstrations at Gwanghwamun against the current Moon Jae-in, democratic administration. Although LKP floor leader Na, gave herself an award for toppling the Justice Minister Cho Guk from his newly appointed position, it is likely that the Chief Prosecutor's office is the more responsible party. After attending an overnight Gwangwhamun demonstration this weekend, LKP leaders Hwang and Na, attended the 40th memorial ceremony for former president Park Chung-hye. The former president has been credited with modernizing the Korean economy while ruling South Korea with an iron fist in a military like social order. The former dictator was also credited with "normalizing" relations with Japan, which the blog has described elsewhere. This modernization effort was characterized by self serving corruption by the former Japanese trained military officer and his pro-Japanese political and business cronies. The LKP represents the heirs of this Park political tradition. These interests have consistently blocked efforts to come to terms with the Japanese colonial legacy in Korea for decades.


Cho Guk recently had been appointed Justice Minister to reform the national prosecutor's office. It appears that there was an element of bias in prosecution resistance to the widely supported initiative to check the unbridled power of the "republic of lawyers." The apparent corruption of Cho Guk's family members gave them a lever to force him out of office. The prosecutor's office was accused of multiple leaks by some journalists which added to the political unrest in the streets. On the other hand, the lawyer, Im Tae-hoon who represents the martial law plans whistle blower, asserts that the Chief Prosecutors Office has deliberately sat on documentation that casts suspicion on Hwang Kyo-Ahn's complicity in martial law plans. The far right opposes fast track reform while an agreement has been reached by four political parties to fast track the prosecutorial reform legislation so as to get a floor vote during this session of the National Assembly.

Source- JTBC News, 10.28 ) Hwang Kyo-ahn, leader of the Liberty Korea Party, and Na Kyung-won, National Assembly floor leader of Liberty Korea Party, are front and center at the 40th Memorial Ceremony for the former President Park Chung-hee, 10.26. The sign above the portal says refers to President Park Chung-hee's philosophy as a father of the country, "a proper country has a strong military."

Ironically, Hwang's presence at the memorial service for the former dictator was marked by some boos and jeers calling him "traitor." It is notable that the impeachment of Park Geun-hye took place while Hwang was acting president. She was tried under impeachment proceedings before the Constitutional Court. Apparently some in the conservative audience thought Hwang should have done something about it while he had the opportunity. The peaceful transition of power by impeachment and free elections, is viewed as a betrayal by the ultra far right elements attending not only the Park 40th Memorial but also the current Gwanghwamun demonstrations sponsored by the LKP: protestant evangelicals that elected Park Geun-hye; and the far right pro-dictator elements. Hwang has been reported to have said things such as we need to remember "Park Chung-hee's leadership concerning the economy during a difficult economic period of which there are many examples." Also "we must learn the spirit of Park Chung-hee." As to the anti-Moon Jae-in demonstrations calling for the democratic president's arrest and ouster, Hwang said the demonstrations reflect the "anger of the people." Political commentators noted that it is evident that the LKP leadership intends these demonstrations continue. There were other cynical observations about the role of churches and the party apparently furnishing free food as inducements to gather. One expert said, Cho Guk's fall was no cause to relax, "they caught the rabbit in the house, now it's time to catch the rabbit in the mountain." Another observation was that South Korea may only be at the half way point in this constitutional confrontation.

In another late news item, it was reported that leader Na, appeared at press briefing with the National Assembly leader, Moon Hee-sang, and two other party leaders, to announce that the Assembly committee handling fast track legislation approved referral of a prosecutorial reform bill to the Assembly floor for a vote. During the news item it was noted that the representatives from the center right Barun Mirae Party, and the Justice Party were demonstrating on the floor for a vote to fast track the Legislative reform bill first. As the blog has noted previously, it is this extension of proportional (nation wide) seating that is expected to decrease the number of district seats held by the Liberty Korea Party. Until this matter is resolved, street politics and associated political theater in Seoul are likely to continue unabated. Na said something like this to the National Assembly leader, "I'd rather stop this unconstitutional fast track process than hold hands (for a photo shoot)." The leader responded, "I'd rather hold a wrist, than be grabbed by the ankle." The latter a reference to the continual obstruction of legislation by the LKP opposition. LKP physical obstruction of committee efforts led by Na last April is currently subject to an investigation by prosecutors.

South Korean Domestic Instability

Last April, representatives of the right wing Liberty Korea Party and their staff illegally obstructed South Korea's National Assembly by blocking the hallways, doors and passageways of the assembly building and in some cases committing assaults in an attempt to stop passage of the so called "fast track" procedure for consideration of bills within 330 days. The fast track measure was proposed as a necessary means to overcome LKP stonewalling legislation by bottling reform bills up in committee indefinitely with their boycotts of the legislative process and other stalling tactics. Recently, 18 members of the LKP have refused to accept summons process from the Seoul Prosecutors Office Southern District in an investigation of their suspected criminal acts in the National Assembly building. In a "tit for tat" response, the LKP filed criminal complaints against members of the ruling Democratic Party. The criminal investigation against the LKP, includes, Na Kyung-won, the party floor leader. Hwang Kyo-ahn, the leader of the LKP and former Saenuri Party Prime Minister during the Park impeachment, who shaved his head in protest to the administration, said he should be the one called to formally answer for the events disrupting the legislative process. Because much of the criminal activity is apparent on video recordings of the scene inside the assembly building and third party witnesses were present, the criminal investigation could go forward without taking statements from the named suspects. Some observers say prosecution of sitting members of the legislature for these actions may simply just aggravate the ongoing political conflict.

The net outcome of this obstruction of governance by the minority conservative opposition party has been to take the issues that are intended for a legislative vote in National Assembly on November 29, and make them an issue for street politics by mass crowds. Democratic partisans have held a total of nine mass demonstrations thus far in favor of prosecution reforms, which will increase investigative powers of police agencies to offset the overwhelming power of the central prosecutors office, and by reducing the special prosecutors offices operating in six regional offices in South Korea. The monopoly of prosecution powers is felt to encourage corruption by making prosecutors, in effect, immune from investigative initiatives from law enforcement. The demonstrations began in response to the two month long investigation of the family of the Justice Minister, Cho Kuk.

Cho Kuk, the new Justice Minister appointed by the Blue House, has had family members subject to formal investigation by the Central prosecutor's office for two months now. Massive street demonstrations by democratic party supporters against the prosecutors office are styled as both support for Cho Kuk, who has been appointed to carry out prosecution reforms, and support for the reforms themselves. Cho Kuk's daughter and mother have been accused of falsifying records and perhaps influence peddling to obtain academic credentials from prestigious institutions and are under investigation. It is somewhat ironic that the son of the LKP legislative floor leader, Na Kyung-won, is accused by the press of similar abuses. Cho Kuk's family members, including his wife, are also accused of engaging in suspicious financial activities which may be a cover for influence peddling. It appears that the focus of the central prosecutors investigation is, in fact, Cho Kuk, as the investigation spreads a broad net in search of evidence. Again, ironically, the Prosecutor General, has been accused in the press, of taking gifts and having conflicts of interest. He denies the accusations.

A more fundamental issue, involves the resistance of the conservative party to fast track of the legislative electoral reforms which would weaken their representation in the National Assembly. The number of proportional voting seats in the assembly of 300 representatives would increase from 47 to 75 giving greater representation to democratic or progressive parties. The estimated effect would be to reduce the number of LKP seats from 117 to 97. This is the crux of the matter really. Additionally, there is a strong regional basis to the right wing vote in South Korea that has been a barrier to reform for decades, used to preserve and protect the interests of chaebol families, corporate management, and legacy pro-Japanese interests. The legislative electoral reform could potentially weaken or temporarily eliminate this obstacle after the next election April 15.

Threats of physical resistance to the present administration are implicit in the last major right wing rally at Gwangwhamoon, on last week's Hangulnal holiday. These threats are in the nature of the type of violent resistance that is going on in Hong Kong presently. At the recent LKP organized Gwangwhamoon demonstrations, the religious and far right constituencies engage in overt adulation of the military dictatorships the right supported in the past, along with claims that the former president, Park Geun Hye, was unjustly impeached and convicted on false evidence of abuse of power contrived by the press. The threats were presented in two forms, first in confrontations with police near the Blue House security cordon, the seat of executive power, not far from Gwangwhamoon. The second is in equivocal language promising the fighting, and resistance, exemplified by Hong Kong street radicals who engage in physical combat with police. The threatening language in speeches given during the presence of leaders of the LKP, ‎Hwang Kyo-ahn and ‎Na Kyung-won, is ambivalent enough to provide "plausible deniability." It's no surprise that the LKP/far right demonstrations call for the impeachment of president Moon Jae-in, along with the resignation and arrest of the Justice Minister, Cho Kuk. The politics of desperation of the far right Liberty Korea Party are on display.

The demonstration this Saturday in Seocho dong, Seoul, by the pro-democratic supporters brought out some right wing counter demonstrators behind the police line, with their ubiquitous US flags sprinkled among the Taegukkis. A very large US flag was displayed out front which took a group of people to carry it. The question is why do opponents of democracy in South Korea invariably bring US flags to their demonstrations?

Sources:

한국당 소환불응 고수…'패스트트랙 충돌' 조사없이 재판 넘기나
송고시간 | 2019-10-13 09:30
https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20191013006900004?section=politics/national-assembly&site=major_news01

South Korean National Assembly Fast-tracks Reform Bills Amid Conservative Opposition
May 04, 2019 / Lavinia Ding
https://www.irinsider.org/east-asia-1/2019/5/4/south-korean-national-assembly-fast-tracks-reform-bills-amid-conservative-opposition

여야4당 내일 선거법개정안 발의…한국당 극렬 반발
입력 : 2019.04.23 18:19:53
https://www.mk.co.kr/news/politics/view/2019/04/253734/

[속보] 국회 정개특위서 ‘선거법 개정안’ 가결
등록 :2019-08-29 11:20
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/politics/assembly/907622.html

Updates:

JTBC reported on its Live program (Oct. 13) tonight, that questioning of the relevant prosecutor by the committee responsible for the fast track process disclosed that the prosecutor's office was not certain of the scope of legislative immunity as applied to the disruptive conduct of Liberty Korea Party representatives in the assembly building last April, and that this may affect whether or not warrants for compulsory appearance before investigators was forthcoming.

Cho Kuk resigned today (Oct. 14).