Tuesday, April 27, 2021

South Korean political "show trial" of Professor Chung Kyung-shim



last edited May 13, 2021


Professor Chung is the spouse of former Minister of Justice, Cho Guk. Cho Guk's wife was sentenced to 4 years in prison in December 2020, in large part, for allegedly forging a service award certificate for her daughter to fraudulently facilitate her entry into a university medical program. The former Justice Minister appointed by the democratic Moon Jae-in administration, was forced out of office by this indictment of his wife, and his own related indictment. He was accused of financial misconduct, destruction of evidence, abuse of his office, and other related charges. He had been in office for just over one month and was a major proponent of reforming the conduct of prosecution and judicial administration in South Korea, which is overtly politically driven. The relevant charges against Professor Chung discussed below pertain solely the charge(s) of forging a Dongyang University award certicate for her daughter, Cho Sim, to facilitate a corrupt or unfair admission process to univerity programs.

There are so many defects in the prosecution's case against Professor Chung, Cho Guk's wife, it's hard to keep track:

1. No chain of custody on the computer seized by police from the college lecturer's lounge at Dongyang University that allegedly produced the forged award certificate. The professor's computer was taken under prosecution control at the University lounge, moved to Professor Chung's assistant's office and "evaluated" without following proper legal and forensic procedures (no record of search, no authorized representative of defendant present, removing the entire computer on a pretextual basis, no return or detailed record of the data taken provided to defendant, all in violation of government investigative policy). The prosecution operated the computer in an irregular fashion for forensic evaluation, not using the safe mode. The prosecution inserted a USD drive with no witnesses present, and then claimed that the computer hard drive failed at that point. They did not provide the defendant's attorneys with access to the hard drive until the very end of the first trial.

(Source- 닥쳐라정치 youtube, 5.10) Graphic shows the computer IP address record for Bongbaedong (Seoul) ending in 137 and the portion excluded from the first trial by prosecutors for Dongyang University (Cheongju) ending in 112.

2. Intentional concealment of exculpatory evidence. No record was kept of what prosecutors did to the computer. This includes evidence found on the computer by defense forensic experts that someone, while the prosecutors had the computer under their control, inserted a usb drive into the computer for a short period (one minute thirteen seconds) with no record of what the purpose was, what may have been taken from or introduced into the computer. The prosecution stated the USB introduced a search program to distinguish the evidence it sought on the hard drive. This was done outside the presence of an office aide of Professor Chung, who was asked to leave the room at the University. The prosecution then concealed those actions, the associated data, and attempted to cover up whatever they did from defendant, defendant's counsel and the court. In fact during the first trial, the state's forensic evidence was never entirely transmitted to the defense for examination. The history of IP addresses on the computer in question was falsified by the prosecution according to trial observers. Defense attorneys characterized the record as "contaminated" or "incomplete." They also argue such digital evidence should not be admissable. See alibi below.

3. Alibi/failure to prove elements of offense as alleged- In forensic evidence which the prosecution failed to disclose at the first trial, the evidence at the second trial proffered by defense forensic experts showed the computer from the instructor's lounge was connected to the internet in the Dongyang University area, during discrete periods from November 2012 to May 2013. The IP address record originally proferred by the prosecution showed the computer was in Bongbaedong in July 2012. It was again in Bongbaedong in August and September 2013, according to the state's case. In the first trial, on the second indictment, the prosecutors argued that the alleged forged certificate was produced in the Bongbaedong area, allegedly at the home of Professor Chung in June 2013. At the times of the alleged offenses (Sep 7, 2012, first indictment, not guilty, and June 16, 2013, second indictment, guilty) there are no IP address entries. After failures of proof in the courtroom, the prosecutor's requested a second indictment alleging the forged certificate for Cho Sim, originated with the later June 13, 2013, award document for her brother from the same university. At the first trial, there was no reliable indication of where the computer was at these times. Incomplete IP address entries due to prosecution alteration of the record allowed the state to argue the computer was in Bongbaedong. There is no presumption or inference available circumstantially because the integrity of the data has been tainted by prosecution mishandling, misrepresentation, and potential contamination or deletion.

Because of the haste in bringing a prosecution with no prior investigation, and the associated failure of the prosecution to allow access to the computer and the original digital data, the prosecution was free to manipulate the presentation of evidence at the first trial as it found its initial theory of the case had failed. The prosecution had seized the computer in September 2019 just a few days before, what it thought based upon its own allegations, was the expiration of the statute of limitations on the pertinent charge against Professor Chung with respect to her daughter's certificate. Yet, another pressing prosecution need was to drive Justice Minister Cho Guk out of office in attempt to block prosecutorial reform efforts by the incumbent administration. It's no surprise why exact copies of indictment documents and the chief judge's findings and orders are not published in the conservative South Korean press. Some expert observers questioned the lawfulness of allowing two trials of the same charge at the first trial. The judge ruled they weren't the same charge.

(Source- 이미지 출처, MBC 화면 캡처) [출처: 고발뉴스닷컴 12.24.2020.] http://www.gobalnews.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=31506

At the first trial, Professor Chung was found not guilty under the first indictment on the forgery charge. The court found her guilty under the second indictment, which the court ruled was a separate charge because "all the facts were different." In fact, it was a second bite at the same apple for the prosecution. Experts question the legality of the procedure. So, at least on the certificate forgery charge, the "second (appellate review) trial" is really a third trial of what is essentially the same accusation.

Initially, at the first trial, it was charged that the professor produced the forgery at the university, in Yeongju, in September 2012, with an unknown conspirator. The method of the crime was specified as arbitrary use of the presidential seal. The second indictment (12.17.19), allowed by the judge at the first trial, charged that the forgery was committed June 16, 2013, at the professor's home, in Seoul (the Bongbaedong IP address), that her co-conspirator was her daughter, and that the stamp of the former university president Choi was forged by scan reproduction. Late news on May 11, 2020, reported that the defense presented evidence, that Chung Kyung-sim, and the computer were at the Dongyang University in Yeongju at the time the prosecution alleges she produced a forgery in Seoul at Bongbae Dong. Computer files dated May 3, 20, and 27, showed class preparation on her computer for scheduled classes. At the time, she had a class schedule to meet weekly at the Dongyang campus. On August 22, 2013, a computer file, post office receipt, and a hand phone file, show Professor Chung posting registered mail near the university on August 22, 2013, when the prosecution's dubious forensic IP address record allegedly showed the computer was in Bangbae Dong according to the prosecution case. So during the blank period in IP address record, defense has raised the circumstantial implication that the professor was at the university, in Yeongju, and not in Seoul (Bangbae Dong) on the date of the alleged offense as alleged by the prosecution. Independent news commentators have reported that, thus far, the prosecution did not submit any direct or other new evidence to prove the computer was in Bongbaedong on the date alleged, June 16, 2013.

A prosecution demonstration on October 15, 2020, in the courtroom, to show how the "forged award certificate" could have been produced on Professor Chung's computer by someone with limited computer skills with just a little training failed according to the defense. Letter spacing, font size, image characteristics such as color and resolution were demonstrably different from the original. The copy produced in the courtroom by the prosecution in a 38 minute demonstration, was readily detectable as a forgery. The conservative press misrepresented the demonstration as a complete success showing that anyone could produce a forged award certificate on their computer. One of the defenses at the first trial was that the word processing program ( 아레한글 ) used to make the allegedly forged certificate was unknown to Chung who was not computer literate and only knew how to use microsoft word according to her office aid. There was no indication she had the expertise to correctly obtain, introduce, and produce, authentic looking forgeries from image files. The defense submitted several statements from technical experts at the second trial that there was no indication that Cho Min's award certificate was not authentic.

4. False reliance on the absence of regularly annotated business practice. The absence of a Dongyang Unviersity administratively assigned serial number on the actual award certificate in question is said to prove that the certificate is a forgery. Yet, a former professor from the college during the marterial period testified at trial that there was no regular business practice of assigning serial numbers to award certificates from the university and that other such certificates had been issued without direct participation of the president, and without serialized numbers from the main office, and were not fraudulent. Judge Im Jung-yeop, disallowed the testimony of this witness in the first trial and relied completely on testimony of former College President Choi Seong-hae for his finding of guilt. Choi claimed he had the exclusive power to stamp such awards. A member of his administrative office disputed this and said the power was delegated within the office and so called serial numbers were assigned by different activities. Ironically, Choi recently stated publicly, that unrecorded awards were not unusual, and that a similar problem existed at other colleges.

5. Best Evidence. The actual evidence of the alleged regular business practice of having the president's office stamp and serialize award certificates would be the award ledger itself allegedly maintained by the president's administrative office. The award ledger for the material period before, during, and after the date on the alleged forged award, relevant to the offense charged against Professor Chung doesn't exist. It was allegedly destroyed by that office. We know this because there is an audio record of Choi discussing the matter with his staff. So Choi is relying on his memory ostensibly of events that occured in 2012.

6. Prior inconsistent statements. On September 4, 2019, Choi was quoted in the press as saying the award ledger from his office still existed from 2012, and that Cho Guk's daughters name did not appear on it as someone doing volunteer work at the University's English Language Center. He also said that prosecutors had reviewed the awards records ledger from 2011 onward, an apparently false statement. Later it was reported that the award ledger record of awards was only maintained for five years and then destroyed according to University policy. This is disputed. Choi has made contradictory statements about how and when he became aware of the "forgery" both at trial and in public. He has made contradictory statements about when the policy of keeping the ledger changed, the time of destruction, who destroyed it, and how it was destroyed. The trial judge at the first trial disregarded the testimony of multiple eye witnessese that tended to support the authenticity of the certificate and relied essentially upon the "concrete and consistent testimony of former University President Choi."

7. Prosecution's chief witness under duress. The star witness against the professor in the case of the "forged award certificate" is Dangyong University's former President Choi, who allegedly mismanaged the college and placed it in financial difficulty. He had decided to open a satellite campus at a former US military facility in an attempt to expand the college. For this purpose he engaged his brother's construction company to work on the new facilities. Running short of funds he allegedly solicited faculty and staff at the college to individually contribute thousands of dollars in personal funds to the project. Reports allege he obtained many tens of thousands of dollars in this manner and transferred the funds to his brother's business. There are sources who knew Choi from the university who said he expressed concern to them about the future course the school should take on August 20, 2019. He said if he mistakenly took the side of Cho Guk, the Liberty Korea party could close the university's doors. Just before the charges were publicly disclosed against Cho Guk's wife in 2019, the college president met with representatives of the conservative opposition party, now the People's Power Party, where he allegedly discussed getting chaebol (private corporate) financial support for his failing college. In a meeting with those party members, the possibility of Choi becoming a candidate for the National Assembly himself afterwards as a proportional candidate was allegedly raised. Choi and the party representatives denied these accusations. (edit: on May 12, 2021, MBC news reported a conversation with Choi he in which admitted receiving such an offer from the Mirae Dong party but ultimately declined, and also that he had spoken with the current repesentative of the PPP before the indictment.)

Shortly thereafter, Choi was summoned by prosecutors for two interviews. Choi's nephew alleged on the record to reporters that Choi admitted he met with Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-yeol on September 8, 2021. Choi denies this and claims he met for a meal, dinner, with an assistant chief prosecutor. One independent investigative journalism program appears to have the audio recording of the conversation where Choi makes the admission. It is important to note that because of his alleged mismanagement and self dealing in financial matters there, the prosecution had leverage over Choi. So President Choi made his accusations and Professor Chung was indicted. Defense counsel regard multiple aspects of Choi's testimony as "red faced perjury." Choi himself said to a reporter he is the type of person who can't tell a lie, without revealing himself by his expression. This admission is anything but disarming. One of his tactics is saying so many inconsistent and implausible things on the same subject, that one doesn't know where to begin. When asked what he discussed with prosecutors in one early September meeting, when he was questioned for hours until late at night, Choi claimed he discussed economic conditions in the US.

None of the foregoing is discussed in the dominant South Korean conservative mainstream media (Cho-Joong-Dong media cartels) which have, in essence, taken up the role as propagandists against the Moon Jae-in administration and are complicit in the framing of democratic or progressive politicians who have attempted to reform conservative abuses in prosecution offices and the judiciary. MBC and independent investigative journalists are the sources relied on, primarily 열린공감TV,* Balgan Ajae, and Hol Seu-yong's Sisa Sageon are youtube sources relied on.** South Korea's YTN news has reported on the case controversy but took an equivocal view of evidence coming out at the second trial on appeal.


*녹취공개 예고] 최성해 전 동양대 총장, 교수들에게 돈 걷어 검찰 처벌받을까 두려워 조국 딸 표창장 증거조작 협조 정황 드러났다! - 진중권도 뜯겼다! Premiered Apr 25, 2021; 열린공감TV; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DKiR28ZgUDk ; This is a short video. This youtube channel has literally hours of programming on this subject. The interpretation of this video and others on this subject is my own.

**Also, see: News Freezone, "정경심 항소심서 드러난 검찰 증거 1호 PC, 허위·은폐로 얼룩져," 4.13.2021; 정현숙 기자; http://www.newsfreezone.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=310144

Wednesday, April 21, 2021

정읍사 ( 井邑詞 )

정읍사 ( 井邑詞 ) Jeong Eub Tale ( 달님이여 ) Dear Moon by ( 이정표 ) Lee Jung-pyo

This song is believed to have originated in the Baek Jae Kingdom of southern Korea in the late 8th Century as a folk song. It is a prayer by a wife to the moon at night to keep safe her itinerant husband away on business from the hazards of travel in the darkness. The song is reputed to be the only song surviving from the Baek Jae period. The Korean wiki says it was recorded in the late 15th century during the Chosun Dynasty in the Illustrated Text of Traditional Music. ( 악학궤범 ) ( 樂學軌範 )

The original lyrics of the Baek Jae folk song aren't known. The lyrics later recorded during the Chosun dynasty are an old form of Hangul that need to be reinterpreted for modern listeners. Reportedly the song was performed at court in both the Goryeo and Chosun periods. This is Lee Jung-pyo's contemporary interpretation of the lyrics and her composition.* A purpose of the song was to relieve the concern for a loved one away from home and assert one's faithfulness as a means of comfort. Lee's recent performance is intended to provide similar relief in these difficult times.

*https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WXGbH1oGR_k

Below is my attempt to interpret Lee's modernized lyrics:

1.How did you spend your long day
2.Hope it wasn't too difficut
3.Thoughts of you come to mind again today
4.As light of day gradually fades
5.Moon, please shine brightly
6.I worry at night's darkening on your path home?
7.Perhaps your body is weary
8.When you set down, in the dark of night, exhausted
9.My dear moon!
10.Rise up, higher, higher!
11.Far and wide, please shine brightly
12.On the dark night's path
13.So my dear doesn't fall over uneven ground
14.By a fine golden light
15.It's cold, Send some warmth that way
16.To the ends of the earth, from the far heavens
17.Dear moon.

interlude

4,6,7,9,10,9,11,12,13,14,15,16,17


Monday, April 19, 2021

Saheonbu 사헌부 4.19.2021



Moon urges move toward ‘more mature’ democracy in Korea on historic anniversary
April 19, 2021 Korea Times

President Moon Jae-in called Monday for nonstop efforts to further develop South Korea’s democracy, as the country commemorated its historic pro-democracy movement six decades ago.

He paid tribute to the victims of the April 19 Revolution in 1960, which was led by students protesting vote-rigging in presidential elections by then President Rhee Syngman, during his visit to a national cemetery in Seoul.

The two-week mass civilian protests led to the collapse of the Rhee government that had ruled the nation for 12 years. According to official data, 183 people were killed and 6,259 others were wounded in a police crackdown.

Following the visit, Moon wrote on his social media accounts that the movement has served as the “solid root of democracy” here.


https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/2021/04/356_307388.html

VOA Korea has been blaming Moon’s administration for undermining democracy and human rights in Korea, in Orwellian style big lies aimed at interfering in the domestic politics of an ally. The so called experts cited by the VOA testified that Moon was moving South Korea in an authoritarian direction in front of Congress last week.

Jumping on the hate Moon Jae-in bandwagon, the NY Times tried to blame South Korea for the current arms race in East Asia which is complete nonsense.* The fact of the matter is that South Korea is the weakest state in Northeast Asia, and that any attempt to assert its sovereignty is undermined by the 19th Century style collusion between the US and Japan. As it was under the Japanese protectorate in 1905, South Korea isn’t permitted to pursue its own foreign or national defense strategies. Contrary to the NY Times ludicrous contention, it is the US advocacy for new military weapons systems, new operational deployment patterns, and an anti-China alliance system in East Asia, that is prompting increasing tensions and an arms buildup there.

* A Quiet Arms Race Is Rapidly Heating Up Between the Two Koreas; https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/19/world/asia/korea-missiles-arms-race.html

Meanwhile, prosecutors in South Korea desperately seeking to escape justice administration reforms passed by the 21st National Assembly, have begun an investigation of Seoul Central District Chief Prosecutor Lee Seong-yoon, with a view toward prosecution. Lee is the leading candidate to be appointed Prosecutor General by President Moon Jae-in. As conservatives and the Yoon clique inside the prosecution offices well know, the Prosecutor General’s office, like the old medieval Daesaheon ( 대사헌 ) heading the inspector general’s office Saheonbu ( 사헌부 ) in earlier dynasties, is potentially still the most powerful office in South Korea. Thus far it has proven itself more powerful than the president’s office, or the current filibuster proof majority in the National Assembly. Lee’s investigation and potential prosecution by reactionaries inside prosecution offices is little more than an attempt by prosecutors and their press allies to thwart democratic reforms at any cost in South Korea. The case against Lee is completely contrived, and politically motivated. He is being investigated for the so called Kim Hak-eui foreign travel prohibition.* Lee reported to the Ansong prosecutor’s office for interrogation Saturday after refusing four earlier subpoenas after he was threatened with prosecution without investigation in the same manner as the prosecution of Cho Guk, the former Justice Minister in South Korea, and his spouse. These ongoing prosecutions virtually stopped Moon Jae In’s government in its tracks in 2019.

The current trial on appeal of Cho Guk’s spouse has clearly revealed the contrived political nature of that prosecution. The Republic of South Korea is now on the cusp of a decline into authoritarian rule by corrupt special interests, and the prosecutors and press cartel who are their servants. These interests oppose the Moon Jae-in government. The decline into despotism won’t be at the hands of the democrats, only nominally in power, as the US contends in its anti democratic propaganda aimed at South Korea but at the hands of its reactionary opponents, who are supported by the US foreign policy establishment and their media proxies. Until the excessive powers held by the offices of corrupt prosecutors are limited by the new Office to Investigate Corruption by High Government Officials and the investigative power is effectively removed from prosecutors and turned over to police officials, there won’t be effective checks and balances in South Korean government.

*The Kim Hak-eui scandal and the “illegal ban” of his attempted flight from South Korea, Feb. 26, 2021; https://civilizationdiscontents.blogspot.com/2021/02/the-kim-hak-eui-scandal-and-illegal.html

夢 .

Wednesday, April 7, 2021

夢 꿈 Dream

조용필 Jo Yong-pil

화려한 도시를 그리며 찾아왔네
I came to the splendid city I envisioned,
그 곳은 춥고도 험한 곳
This cold and rough place
여기저기 헤매다 초라한 문턱에서
Here and there, wandered around, to this pityful doorway
뜨거운 눈물을 먹는다
shedding bitter tears

머나먼 길을 찾아 여기에 꿈을 찾아 여기에
I came on a long journey seeking my dream here, here
괴롭고도 험한 이 길을 왔는데
On this painful, rough street I came to be
이 세상 어디가 숲인지 어디가 늪인지
In this world wherever you go, there are forests and swamps
그 누구도 말을 않네
There, not a word from anyone.

사람들은 저마다 고향을 찾아가네
People each one, gone to their hometown
나는 지금 홀로 남아서
now I'm the only one left
빌딩 속을 헤매다 초라한 골목에서
wandering around these buildings in shabby alleys
뜨거운 눈물을 먹는다
shedding bitter tears.

저기 저 별은 나의 마음 알까
Star over there do you know my heart
나의 꿈을 알까
Do you know my dream?
괴로울땐 슬픈 노래를 부른다
When suffering comes, I sing a sad song

슬퍼질땐 차라리 나홀로 눈을 감고 싶어
When i'm becoming sad, I'd rather close my eyes alone
고향의 향기 들으면서
while imagining the scent of my hometown

저기 저 별은 나의 마음 알까
Star over there do you know my heart
나의 꿈을 알까
Do you know my dream?
괴로울땐 슬픈 노래를 부른다
When It becomes painful, I sing a sad song

이 세상 어디가 숲인지 어디가 늪인지
In this world wherever you go, there are forests and swamps
그 누구도 말을 않네
There, not a word from anyone.

슬퍼질땐 차라리 나홀로 눈을 감고 싶어
When i become sad, I'd rather close my eyes alone
고향의 향기 들으면서
while imagining the scent of my hometown

고향의 향기 들으면서
imagining the scent of my hometown

Reality Check in Seoul and Busan

The conservative crooks won by a landslide in Seoul and Pusan. The big media and justice system cartel virtually buried the progressive movement in South Korea this week. They’ve been working on it since the special interests on the right were forced out of the Blue House in 2017 by the candlelight revolution. Politically motivated prosecutors frame and indict political leaders on the left, and the corrupt right wing media companies broadcast the fabricated charges on a non stop basis. Meanwhile the press-prosecution political collusion intentionally ignores or dismisses the long record of corruption in their own leaders, officials, and candidates. So the dumb young male voters in South Korea's two biggest cities fell for it big time.

They were motivated by the economic dislocation and hardship from the pandemic, the real estate speculation bubble that precludes housing away from parents, preventing new household formation, and the general lack of job opportunity in a legacy neo-liberal economy. Ironically the corruption in the real estate market facilitated by government officials predates the Moon administration. The two winning conservative candidates' own records of self dealing in real estate while in office personify the problem. Emblematic of the political corruption, the former conservative prosecutor general Yoon Seok-yeol’s mother in law was on trial during the campaign for another of her numerous business/real estate scams netting her millions. Why are journalists banned from covering her trial? Why is the trial “secret?” Instead, the sycophantic media blathers about Yoon's deceitful commitment to the "people" and "justice" after he visited with a centenarian philosopher to gain wisdom concerning his future political mission in South Korea. Save the veneration, Yoon's political mission is simple, keeping himself and his corrupt wife and mother-in-law out of prison by grasping at the president's office.

The relatively recent military service of most young South Korean men can’t be discounted either. The anti-communist anti- socialist rhetoric is imbued during universal military service. The media and right wing demagogues branded the democratic administration as commies and reds. This explains the big difference between males and females in the younger voting block. Males from 20 to 39 voted overwhelmingly conservative, the same aged women did not. Women are not subject to universal conscription also generating some resentment by younger males. Perhaps when the men get to their forties, they may develop the wisdom of the current middle aged group, or their current women peers. They didn't think voting for a mayor who opposed free school lunch for grammar school kids was likely to help them with their economic or family needs either.

One can understand why "gold spoon" types with medical and law degrees support the most conservative cartel of "deep seated corrupt vested interests." Why people who can’t find housing or a job to support themselves would vote for their tormentors is explained by the fake reality the media create in conjunction with an unchecked and wildly political justice system.

So the democratic reform movement in South Korea which came to power by means of street demonstrations against the neo-authoritarianism returning in South Korea is on life support at this point. A combination of the big lie strategy, political prosecution of leading people on the left, and the political truism that people vote their pocketbooks, took its toll on the democratic movement today.

The fight isn’t over, the democrats still control the National Assembly. The corruption reforms still need to be implemented, the epidemic needs to be defeated, justice needs to be made impartial. The conservative leadership will spar over who becomes the next presidential candidate. Many are too weak, too unpopular for various reasons. Typically a trio emerges near the campaign season’s end splitting the vote in a way that the presidential candidate with the largest plurality will win. So the democratic party is still in it despite universal pronouncements in western media that they are doomed at this point. Even if the democratic reform movement were pushed out of power in March 2022, the coalition of grass roots movements, unions, student activists, public interest groups, etc, that made the candlelight revolution possible will be back in their element, forcing the corrupt establishment to bend to their numbers on the street.



Addendum- 4.8

Hol Seu-hyung on his latest program* brought up the use of pro-feminist signals in the failed Park Young-sun democratic campaign for Mayor of Seoul. This he claims was ill considered as the young male demographic is afflicted by a sense of unfairness in their social, political and economic situation. Hol claims Park's campaign feminist tact was a blunder. He then brought up examples of "favoritism" toward women in hiring practices by government agencies, particular the police and other emergency responders. Candidate Park's appeal to women voters had to made based upon the former mayor of Seoul's indiscrete relationship with his office secretary.

Obviously the publicaton of this improper office affair was a political operation by the right. To call it sexual harrassment, assault or rape as it was often portrayed in the media was completely unsubstantiated. But the democrats were faced with the public image problem of the former mayor's poor ethical judgement sullying the office of mayor by his improper relationship with his secretary. ( It appears from witness statements, photos, and her own written record that she pursued the Mayor's affection.) The office affair that brought down the former democratic mayor (resulting in his suicide) was in fact the reason for the Seoul by election. Candidate Park Young-sun had to get the women's vote and she did.

Frustrated young males with economic difficulties and a serious housing problem don't like to hear feminist rhetoric and frame it in a package of unfairness to them, an "il be" meme (see note below). Too bad. I'm doubtful other political journalists on the democratic side are going to buy this analysis. The proper critique is as Hol says, we (young males) voted for the 21st National Assembly. We put the democratic supermajority in power. What did you do for us? Answer, nothing. Other generations such as the current middle aged voters stayed loyal to the democratic party despite the distressing lack of social and economic progress since President Moon was elected. This is because the entrenched special interests on the right, in the media, and opponents inside and outside of government, have been following a scorched earth policy to immobilize the current administration. Hol Seu-hyung said it's a mistake to grant the democratic party the indulgence of that excuse. At the same time, even entertaining the notion that affirmative action for women in the employment sector generates an even obliquely warranted resentment by young males, is also a mistake. If this resentment was successfully exploited by the right, then they should be condemned, not candidate Park or her supporters.

Hol's tactless take on this issue with respect to sexual equality in hiring policy and the inappropriate young male response show an unusual insensitivity not characteristic of him. The enthusiatic and uncritical support of his South Korean viewers in the comments to the video was another distressing element of this program. They were probably mostly male. I hope to see another take on this il be element in the election outcome. This parallels the Trump phenomenon and anti-Asian racism in the US.

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Note: Il be ( 일베저장소- 일간베스트 저장소, 약칭 일베 ) is an internet community in South Korea that appears to share the qualities of Trump's "deplorables" on QAnon. One young democratic pundit recommended a counter strategy in the online gaming community of engaging the misguided young people found there who live in an (addictive) internet virtual reality. I think Hol was trying trying to recommend a similar tact, of sincere engagement, but as a 40ish journalist, he goes a little too far, in discussing the misogynist meme having as some foundation in fact. (There are analogous recommendations by progressives in the US not to denigrate the "deplorables" but to engage them and understand their frustrations with government.) These are the people who gave the PPP the landslide earlier this week. According to this view, they didn't vote for the PPP but rather they voted against alleged democratic party hypocrisy and ineffectiveness. The hypocrisy argument is based upon a virtual reality created by the press-prosecution conspiracy against the democratic party and the politicization of the South Korean judicial processes. The ineffectiveness argument is based upon all sectors of the right, media, justice administration, the Korean medical society, the evangelical community, and the paramilitary and former military zealots, conducting obstructive tactics to paralyze government processes and policies. This is clearly the PPP constituency. Notably, O Se-hun appeared with these elements at a large October 3, 2019 demonstration in Seoul, which labeled Moon Jae-in a dictator and communist and called for his impeachment. This is the il be mantra.

Tuesday, April 6, 2021

돌아와요 부산항에 Come back to Busan Port


1. 꽃피는 동백섬에 봄이 왔건만
Spring came to Camelia Island where flowers bloom but
형제 떠난 부산항에 갈매기만 슬피우네
at Busan port where my brother left, only the gulls sad cry
오륙도 돌아가는 연락선마다
As each ferry goes around Oryuk island
목메어 불러 봐도 대답 없는 내 형제여
I call out until hoarse, but there is no word of my brother,
돌아와요 부산항에 그리운 내 형제여
Return to Busan, my dear missed brother.

2. 가고파 목이 메여 부르던 이 거리는
I want to go, I called until choking, caught
그리워서 헤매이던 긴긴날의 꿈이었지
yearning, wandering in a former dream of a long, long day.
언제나 말없는 저 물결들도
As always, without words, those waves too,
부딪혀 슬퍼하며 가는 길을 막았었지
sadly break blocking the way to go,
돌아왔다 부산항에 그리운 내 형제여
I returned to Busan port, my dear missed brother.

This is the 1980 version performed by Jo Yong-Pil. Lyrics and melody credited to (황선우) Hwang Seon-roo. There is an earlier version of the song performed and recorded in 1969 by Kim Hae-il, called ( 돌아와요 충무항에 ) Come back to Choong-mu port that was essentially a very similar song and melody. Hwang Seon-roo had collaborated with Kim Hae-il in producing the original song and melody. This was the basis for the later plagarism suit after Jo Yong-pil made "Come back to Busan Port" a hit. Kim Hae-il had died an early tragic accidental death in a hotel fire during leave from military service in 1971. When Jo Yong-pil's version of the song became famous, Kim's family filed a plagiarism suit. Kim's version of the song had not been commercially successful. Kim's military service and early death resulted in the song languishing until Jo Yong-pil and Hwang seon-roo adapted and successfully revived it, apparently about 1976. The suit was subject to a settlement with Kim's family. In addition to some other details "my dear" is changed to "my brother" in the lyrics and obviously Choong-mu port near Tangyang where Kim Hae-il was born (about 2 hours west of Busan on the South Sea) was changed (back) to Busan port in the title and lyrics. Allegedly, Come back to Busan Port was the original title of a version written by Hwang before Kim Hae-il adapted it in their 1969 collaboration. In 1972 Hwang tried to produce it with Jo Yong-pil when he was working with the Kim Trio in 1972. The Jo Yong-pil effort finally succeeded in 1976.

These lyrics bring to mind the colonial period when Koreans may have traveled to or been transported to Japan for labor or military service. Also during periods of domestic hardship and repression after the Japanese defeat in WWII and the Korean War where such distress may have prompted such travels back and forth by Koreans.

Reference: 돌아와요 부산항에 https://namu.wiki/w/%EB%8F%8C%EC%95%84%EC%99%80%EC%9A%94%20%EB%B6%80%EC%82%B0%ED%95%AD%EC%97%90

This song is an exemplar of similar favorite songs like 눈물 젖은 두만강 Tumen River of Tears and 목포의 눈물 Mokpo's Tears.